Peace for Palestine News and Views

Peace for Palestine News and Views


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Sunday, July 06, 2003

Israeli army whitewashes its murder of US peace activist Rachel Corrie

“It is clear the death of Ms Corrie was not caused as a result of a direct action by the bulldozer or by its running her over.”

Comment by Joy: WTF caused her death if not the bulldozer running her over? I am so mad, must scream and run around the room yelling at the top of my lungs WTF? WTF? Why does Israel get 10 BILLION a year taxpayer dollars to do this evil? You suck Israel! You suck IDF!

By David Cohen
5 July 2003

The Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) have closed their token investigation into the death of Rachel Corrie, the American peace activist murdered by an IDF bulldozer. The IDF claims it was an accident and that no step would be taken against the soldiers involved in the incident.

Rachel Corrie died in March this year during a direct-action protest against the demolition of a house in the southern Gaza strip, when a military bulldozer crushed her. Eyewitnesses, including several members in the pacifist International Solidarity Movement (ISM) of which Corrie was a member, say that she was clearly visible to the bulldozer’s driver and was deliberately murdered. They took photos confirming the accuracy of their statements.

A spokesperson for Israel’s army argued that Corrie was killed by earth and building rubble falling on her while she tried to climb on a pile of earth as the bulldozer continued in its demolition work. The Israeli army’s investigation argued in a statement that the soldiers did not see Corrie as she was standing behind the mound of earth “and it was not possible to see her or to hear her voice”. It added, “It is clear the death of Ms Corrie was not caused as a result of a direct action by the bulldozer or by its running her over.”

The IDF feigned sorrow for any incident in which innocents are injured but condemned what it called “illegal and irresponsible” actions carried out by the ISM. The IDF claimed that the organisations, in which hundreds of European and American youth are involved, “contributed to the tragic and distressing results of this incident”. The ISM attracts selfless young people who are prepared to act as “human-shields” in order to stop atrocities carried out by Israel’s armed forces in the Occupied Territories such as the demolition of homes.

An ISM spokesman told Associated Press that the group was not surprised by the results. “We have received so many negative signals from them,” Ghassan Andoni said. “Their only concern is to protect their people and not arrive at the truth.”

Corrie is one of three ISM members brutally attacked by the IDF. British peace activist Tom Hurndall is officially brain dead after being shot in the head by an Israeli sniper in the southern Gaza Strip town of Rafah on April 4. On April 5, Brian Avery, 24, of Albuquerque, New Mexico, was shot in the face by an Israeli armoured personnel carrier from 50 metres distance while attempting to protect Palestinian children in Jenin.

The whitewash of Corrie’s slaying follows a stepping up of state repression against the ISM. After Corrie’s death, Israel’s army ordered all foreign visitors intending to enter areas under Palestinian control or occupied by Israel to sign declarations that release Israel from any responsibility if they should be killed or injured. In a plan drafted by the IDF and the foreign and defence ministries at the beginning of May, Israel made clear its intention is to stop all foreign peace and pro-Palestinian activists from entering the country and to kick out many of those already there.

IDF troops raided the Bethlehem office of the group on May 9, detaining three people for questioning and confiscating computer disks and other equipment. Two of those detained were women whom the IDF accused of being in the country illegally, Christine Razowsky, 28 from Chicago, and an Australian woman who did not want her name released, as well as Palestinian Fida Gharib, 22, a secretary for the organisation. “The aim is to deport any foreigner who supports us,” said George Rishmawi of the ISM.

Saturday, July 05, 2003

Sharon might be arrested in Norway

Av: Hanne Dankertsen 03. jul 09:25
The Norwegian radical left-wing party RV is accusing Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon for committing war crimes and wants the PM to be arrested when he comes to Norway to meet the Norwegian Prime Minister in two weeks.
RV thinks Sharon is guilty of a range of war crimes through his history as Israel's leader and that as such, he should be arrested when he comes to Norway on 16 July.

The political party has sent a formal request for Sharon to be arrested to the Director of Public Prosecutions.

Torstein Dahle (right), leader of RV, is pointing out a number of incidents in Sharon's time as General when he was leading attacks on Palestinian civilians.

These are two of the points in the request for the arrest:

* In October 1953 Sharon was leading the force Unit 101 in to the village of Qibya and blew up 45 houses. 69 people were killed, amongst them women and children.
* Through the work of an Israeli investigation lead by Yitzhak Kahan, it has been proved that Sharon was responsible for the 1982 massacres in the refugee camps Sabra and Shatila. A Lebanese force that was allowed access to the camps by Israeli forces that Sharon was controlling, murdered more than 800 people. Ariel Sharon was forced to step down from his position as Minister of Defence as a result of the Israeli report in connection with this incident.

The Geneva Convention
Dahle is also pointing out the Geneva Convention that Israel has agreed on.

The convention says «The occupying power is not to deport or transfer parts of their own population to the area of occupation».

RV thinks Israel is doing this by building Jewish homes by the West Bank.

On these grounds, Dahle thinks Sharon should be arrested when entering Norway on 16 July.

«When he enters Norwegian ground, he can be arrested and presented to a court. If one finds that a prosecution would have to be delayed until he steps down as Prime Minister, at least his visit to Norway would open up an opportunity for the police to interview him in the interest of a future prosecution», said Dahle.

Monday, June 23, 2003

The Best Show in Town

By: Uri Avnery*

The most talented director could not have done better. It was a perfect show.

Television viewers all over the world saw heroic Israeli soldiers on their screens battling the fanatical settlers. Close-ups: faces twisted with passion, a soldier lying on a stretcher, a young woman crying in despair, children weeping, youngsters storming forward in fury, masses of people wrestling with each other. A battle of life and death.

There is no room for doubt: Ariel Sharon is leading a heroic fight against the settlers in order to fulfil his promise to remove "unauthorized" outposts, even "inhabited" ones. The old warrior is again facing a determined enemy without flinching.

The conclusion is self-evident, both in Israel and throughout the world: if such a tumultuous battle takes place for a tiny outpost inhabited by hardly a dozen people, how can one expect Sharon to remove 90 outposts, as promised in the Road Map? If things look like that when he has to remove a handful of tents and one small stone building - how can one even dream of evacuating real settlements, where dozens, hundreds or even thousands of families are living?

This must have impressed George Bush and his people. Unfortunately, it has not impressed me.

It makes me laugh.

In the last few years I have witnessed dozens of confrontation with the army. I know what they really look like.

The Israeli army has already demolished thousands of Palestinian homes in the occupied territories. This is how it goes: early in the morning, hundreds of soldiers surround the land. Behind them come the tanks and bulldozers, and the action starts. When despair drives the inhabitants to resist, the soldiers hit them with sticks, throw tear gas grenades, shoot rubber-coated metal bullets and, if the resistance is stronger, live ammunition, too. Old people are thrown on the ground, women dragged along, young people handcuffed and pushed against the wall. After a few minutes, it's all over.

Well, they'll say, that's done to Arabs. They don't do this to Jews.

Wrong. They certainly do this to Jews. Depends who the Jews are.

I, for example, am a Jew. I have been attacked with tear gas five times so far. Once it was a special gas, and for a few moments I was afraid that I was going to choke to death.

During one of the blockades on Ramallah we decided to bring food to the beleaguered town. We were some three thousand Israeli peace activists, both Jews and Arabs. At the A-Ram checkpoint, north of Jerusalem, a line of policemen and soldiers stopped us. There was an exchange of insults and a lot of shouting. Suddenly we were showered with tear gas canisters. The thousands dispersed in panic, coughing and choking, some were trampled; one of our group, an 82-year old Jew and kibbutznik, was injured.

I have witnessed demonstrations in which rubber-coated bullets were shot at Israeli citizens (generally Arabs). Once I was in the gas-filled rooms of a school at Um-al-Fahem in Israel.

If the army had really wanted to evacuate Mitpe-Yitzhar quickly and efficiently, it would have used tear gas. The whole business would have been over in a few minutes. But then there would not have been dramatic pictures on TV, and George W. would have asked his friend Arik: "Hey, why don't you finish with all the outposts in a week?"

In other words, this was a well-produced show for TV.

A few days before, the leaders of the settlers met with Ariel Sharon. As they left and faced the cameras they uttered dark threats, but anyone who knows these people and looked at their faces on TV could see that there were no strong emotions at work. Of course, the "Yesha rabbis" (Yesha is settlerese for the West Bank), a group of bearded political functionaries, called on the soldiers to disobey orders and requested the LORD and the messiah to come to their help, but even they lacked real passion.

Why? Because all of them knew that everything has been agreed in advance. The army chiefs and the leaders of the settlers, comrades and partners for a long time, sat together and decided what would happen, and, more importantly, what would not happen: no sudden attack, no efforts to prevent thousands of young people from reaching the place well in advance, no use of sticks, water cannon, tear gas, rubber-coated bullets or any other means beyond the use of bare hands. The soldiers would not wear helmets nor be equipped with shields. The settlers would shout and push, but would not hit the soldiers in earnest. The whole show would be less violent then a normal scuffle with British soccer hooligans, but would look on TV like a desperate battle between titanic forces.

Ariel Sharon has some experience with this kind of thing. A dozen years ago he directed a similar show when, following the peace treaty with Egypt, he was ordered by Prime Minister Menahem Begin to evacuate the town of Yamit in the northern Sinai peninsula. At the time, Sharon was Minister if Defense. And who was one of the leaders of the dramatic resistance? Tsachi Hanegbi, now the minister in charge of the police.

All the arms of the establishment cooperated this week in the big show. The media devoted many hours to the "battle". Dozens of settlers were invited to the studios and talked endlessly - while, as far as I saw, not a single person belonging to the active peace camp was called to the microphone.

The courts, too, did their duty: the handful of settlers that were arrested for resisting violently were sent home after spending a day or two in jail. The courts, who never show any mercy when Arabs appear before them, treated the fanatical settlers like erring sons.

The whole comedy would have been funny, if it did not concern a very serious problem. Such an "outpost" looks like a harmless cluster of mobile homes on top of a god-forsaken hill, but it is far from being innocuous. It is a symptom of a cancerous growth. Not for nothing did Ariel Sharon - the very same Sharon - call upon the settlers a few years ago to take control of all the hills of "Judea and Samaria".

The disease develops like this: a group of rowdies occupies a hilltop, some miles from an established settlement, and puts a mobile home there. After some time, the "outpost" already consists of a number of mobile homes. A generator and a water-tower are brought in. Women with babies appear on the scene. A fence is set up. The army sends some units to defend them. They declare that for security reasons, Palestinians are not allowed to come near, in order to prevent them from spying and preparing an attack. The security zone becomes bigger and bigger. The inhabitants of the neighboring Palestinian villages cannot reach some of their orchards and fields any more. It someone tries, he is liable to be shot. Every settler has a weapon, and he has nothing to fear from the law if he uses it against a suspicious Arab. All Arabs are suspicious, of course.

As it so happens, I have some experience with Mitzpe Yitzhak, the particular outpost that figured in this week's show. Some months ago we were called by the inhabitants of the Palestinian village Habala to help them pick their olives in a grove near this "outpost". When the pickers came near to the outpost, the settlers opened fire. An Israeli in our group was wounded when a bullet struck a rock at his feet.

The "unauthorized" outposts were in fact established systematically, with the help of the army and according to its planning. When several outposts take root in a region, the Palestinian villages are choked between them. Their life becomes hell. The settlers and officers clearly hope that in the end they will give up and clear out.

Will Sharon really evacuate them by the dozens? That depends, of course, on his friend George W. If the "hudna" (truce) between the Palestinian Authority and Hamas is achieved, Bush may perhaps exert serious pressure on Sharon. When I visited Yasser Arafat yesterday, he seemed to be cautiously optimistic. But he, too, said that there are no more than four months left for getting things moving: starting from November, the American President will be busy getting himself reelected.

This means that Sharon honly to produce a few more shows of this sort for television, and then he and the settlers will be able to breathe freely once again.

*An Israeli author and activist. He is the head of the Israeli peace movement, "Gush Shalom".

Story is here

Saturday, June 21, 2003

The Peace house

Imagine yourself lying helpless on the ground watching your house being demolished...
Shawamreh Family
Anata - East Jerusalem

Salim Shawamreh & family
On April 4, 2001, the house of Salim and Arabia Shawamreh from the Palestinian village of Anata was demolished for the third time. Eighteen other houses were also demolished the same day throughout the West Bank, together with a Palestinian school and a dozen other public buildings. In the action on July 26-27, sponsored by the Rebuilding Campaign, Palestinians, Israelis and internationals began rebuilding the Shawamreh house for the fourth time. We will not let the Occupation win.

Salim Shawamreh (45) is employed by the Palestinian Ministry of Industry. His family are 1948 refugees from the village of Amishagav in the Negev. He was born in the Old City of Jerusalem, but his family again became refugees following the Israeli invasion and occupation of the city in 1967, when they were moved to the Shu'afat refugee camp. In 1982 Salim married his cousin Arabia, who had been brought up in Jordan, and the couple went to Saudia Arabia, where Salim worked as an engineer. Returning to the crowded conditions of the camp in 1991, Salim and Arabia decided to find better living quarters. They bought a plot of land at the edge of the village of Anata, land which later fell into West Bank Area C.

Anata, a town of some 12,000 residents, is divided between Jerusalem and the West Bank About a third of its population holds Jerusalem identity cards, while the other two-thirds are classified as West Bank residents, with no access to Jerusalem -- including "Jerusalem" parts of Anata. 5,000 acres have been expropriated from Anata to build the Israeli settlements of Alon, Kfar Adumim, Almon and Ma'aleh Adumim; an "by-pass road" linking the settlements is currently being constructed around the town. Crowding in Anata has become chronic. Some 23 demolitions orders have been served on Anata residents by the Jerusalem municipality, the Ministry of Interior and, where Anata expands into "Area C" of the West Bank, by the Civil Administration.

After living in their home for four years, the dreaded moment came suddenly in July 1998, as the family was sitting down for lunch. Salim tells the story:

Despite the prospect of demolition hanging over our heads, Arabia and I lived quietly in our house for four years. The [demolition] order was present in our lives, but we managed to put it into the background. After all, the mid-1990s was the time of the "peace process," the numbers of demolitions had dropped dramatically, and we hoped that the danger had passed, that our house had been saved by peace.

I couldn't find work here as a construction engineer, so I did various things. I secured employment as the driver of Bashir Bargouti, editor of the al-Ataliya newspaper and later the Palestinian Minister of Industry. At night I worked for an Israeli catering business, perfecting my Hebrew and making a lot of Israeli friends.

After the election of Netanyahu in 1996 and the dramatic rise in house demolitions, we began to fear once more for our house. One day ‹ the black day in my life which I don't wish on anyone else in the world, July 9, 1998 ‹ I was having lunch with my family when I heard some noise outside. I opened the door and saw my house surrounded by 200 soldiers. "Is this your house," their commander asked me. ""Yes, this is my house." "No, it isn't," he replied. "This is our house now. You have fifteen minutes to get your family and belongings out of the home. We are going to demolish it."

"What are you saying?!" I answered back, not knowing what to do or say. He approached me very closely, clutching his rifle, and when I tried to push him back soldiers jumped on me, beat me all over my body, handcuffed me and threw me outside the house.

My wife, panicking and not knowing what to do, closed the door and locked it to protect the house and our children inside. The soldiers starting kicking down the door. In order to force my wife and children out, they broke a window and threw a tear gas canister into the house. (I found the canister later. It was produced in the Federal Laboratories in Pennsylvania, the US, and had clearly written on the side: "For Outdoor Use Only.") My wife used the few minutes to frantically call for help on the phone (one of the calls was to ICAHD), but when the soldiers finally broke into the home they found my wife unconscious and the children screaming and crying. The kids ran through the open door and scattered. Only later that night did I find Mohammed, then seven years old, curled up and sleeping under a rock in a nearby field.

Some neighbors tried to intervene but were pushed, together with me, down the hill, away from the house. Then I saw the bulldozer coming up the hill, escorted by soldiers. After some time, it began to demolish the home. Imagine yourself lying helpless on the ground watching your house being demolished. I was surrounded by neighbors trying to comfort me. I couldn't see my wife or children and had no idea what happened to them. Jeff Halper of the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions, who tried to block the bulldozer and who was kicked and pushed as we all were, came to me and held my hand as the house was being demolished. "They won?t get away with this," he told me. "We?ll let the whole world know what has happened here."

Jeff Halper continues the story:
The demolition of Salim and Arabia's house was a turning point for ICAHD. Israel has been systematically demolishing Palestinian houses for years, but this was the first time Israeli media actually witnessed it. Because of the valiant struggle put up by the Shawamreh family, we had time to bring dozens of protesters and reporters. It was the demolition of this house that put the entire issue of Israel?s house demolition policy on the political map.

In fact, our success in publicizing this demolition was due to a number of serendipitous circumstances. ICAHD, Bat Shalom, Rabbis for Human Rights, the Palestinian Land Defense Committee, the Palestinian human rights organization LAW, Christian Peacemakers and other groups had planned a demonstration that very day opposite the Civil Administration headquarters. We happened to be nearby, then, when we got word that the Shawamreh house was about to be destroyed, and were able to divert a busload of protesters ‹ including Knesset Member Naomi Chazan and some journalists ‹ to the site in Anata. This was about one in the afternoon, and it was very unusual for the Civil Administration to demolish so late in the day. Usually demolitions happen at 6 AM when the men have left for work and outsiders are not present. That day they had already demolished five houses and apparently felt they could fit in one more before the day's "work" was finished. After all, bringing out the army, the Border Police and a commercial wrecking crew is expensive. I guess they wanted to get their money?s worth.

I managed to run through the troops surrounding the house ‹ one soldier even asked to see my ID. Since this was the first demolition we had actually been to, the army wasn?t prepared for protesters. Apparently they thought I was a journalist.

I reached the house just as Salim and Arabia were being removed. It was a surrealistic experience. As foreign workers employed by the wrecking company removed the Shawamreh's belongings from the house ‹ tearing apart livingroom and bedroom sets and throwing everything in a pile outside ‹ the Civil Administration inspector, Michah, who was overseeing the operation, began to explain to me why the house was being demolished. He showed me maps where the Shawamrehs could have built within Area B of Anata ‹ not knowing or not caring that because Israel had drawn such tight boundaries around the Palestinian towns the price of land in them had skyrocketed, making it impossible for a family like Salim's to afford to buy inside, where it is "safe" from demolitions. Then, as the bulldozer approached, I was shunted aside.

We had talked of resistance to the occupation before, but what that really meant was still vague. As the bulldozer approached the house, however, I just couldn?t stand by and watch. I ran in front to block it and was immediately jumped upon by soldiers. Passively resisting but holding onto soldier?s legs, rocks, whatever came to hand, I felt myself being pushed down the hill towards where Salim was lying. I tossed my pocket camera to Jennifer Moorehead of LAW, who continued to photograph. Sitting in the dust by Salim and his neighbors, I tried to comfort him. Words like "Don't worry, it will be OK" sounded so hollow. I promised him we would turn this event into one of political significance ‹ though that, too, probably sounded pretty hollow to him.

And then, together, we watched as the house was demolished. There were certain poignant moments when the meaning of what was happening broke through ‹ like when the TV antenna collapsed. At one point, when the house was half-demolished, the bulldozer began backing away. I saw Michah run over to the driver and yell at him to go back and finish. Only later did I find out that the bulldozer driver was himself Palestinian, coming from a village near Jerusalem that had itself been demolished by Israel in 1948. But he worked for the wrecking company, and had no choice but to continue. That is part of the tragedy within tragedy of our situation.

Within an hour or so it was over. The bulldozer left, the soldiers dispersed. Arabia had been taken to the hospital and most of the kids were eventually found. Only little Mohammed remained missing. He was found that evening sleeping under a rock in a nearby field.

Because of Arabia and Salim?s brave and heroic resistance, ICAHD managed to get many of the world?s media to the scene to cover the demolition ‹ an extremely rare occurrence. Thus the Shawamreh house became instrumental in raising the issue of house demolitions onto the international agenda.

For Arabia heroics and political symbolism meant little next to losing her home:

In that demolition I lost everything. I lost all the memories of my life ‹ pictures, documents, belongings from my childhood, my wedding, our years in Saudi Arabia. Everything that meant something to me personally. We lost all our possessions ‹ our furniture, appliances. All our savings from all those years of work were gone.

I wasn?t even aware of what was happening to me after I was taken to the hospital. Salim sent me to Jordan to be near my family, but I couldn?t tell them what happened, I couldn?t speak of it all. I missed my children. All of a sudden I was completely alone in the world, with nowhere to go, no one to talk to. People tried to comfort me, but I couldn?t hear them. It was like mourning. I was sunk into myself, disconnected, preoccupied with what would happen to us, the kids, worried about our future. Where would we live? Where would we get money to rebuild our lives?

Salim and Arabia's house was the first major rebuilding action of ICAHD and our main Palestinian partner, the Land Defense Committee. Literally hundreds of people came out to build, and within a few weeks the shell was up. On August 2nd we poured the concrete for the roof ‹ a happy symbolic moment in the rebuilding process -- and held a party. But our happiness was short-lived. The very next day, August 3, 1998, the army came back and demolished the fresh-concrete shell of a house again over the scaffolding.

Home rebuilding is a political act of resistance. Families like the Shawamrehs know they may never have a house, but they also know that going through "channels" is also fruitless, and only strengthens the Occupation by recognizing Israeli authority over Palestinians. But the Shawamrehs also know that the attention rebuilding focuses on the issue of house demolitions raises the political price Israel must pay for each demolition ‹ and has a deterrence effect. (During the second Intifada Israel shifted its demolition actions from court-ordered demolitions to destroying hundreds of homes through military strikes, but the issue remains problematic for Israeli PR.) So we all decided to rebuild the house for the third time. Because of financial constraints and the fear that the house would be demolished yet again, the Shawamrehs decided to build slowly. The "House of Peace," as Salim calls it, was finally completed almost three years later.

On April 3, 2001, Salim, Arabia and their children moved into the new-old home for the third time. The next day the army, accompanied by Civil Adminsitration officials, demolished the house for the third time. Rabbi Arik Ascherman head of Rabbis for Human Rights and an ICAHD member, got arrested resisting the demolition. A dedication prepared and framed by Yaalah Cohen of ICAHD after the first rebuilding was recovered from each of the two subsequent demolitions. It says, in Arabic, Hebrew and English: "The House of Peace was built by joint effort of Israeli and Palestinian people of peace. The building was completed on July 8, 1999." Arabia was devastated by the demolition, and Salim was quite concerned about her. She has been fragile ever since the first demolition. Says Salim:

You know, the demolition of a house means the demolition of a family. Everything changes after that. Demolition is the violent violation of the very essence of a family and of every person in it. Do you know what a home is? Think about it. Even the word is one of the most intimate words we have, like "mother," "father," "family." The law defines it as "a man?s castle," a place of special sanctity and meaning. It is the place where your most intimate life is carried out ‹ where you live safely with your family, where you create your own world through the pictures on the wall, the furniture, the garden, where your kids live and have their toys and their basic sense of security. It?s a place you can call your own, that you have built with the money you earned and where you provide for your family.

That world, that place of intimacy and security, was violated by the Israeli authorities ‹ not once, but three times. My fundamental human right of providing a shelter for my family was violated. But it goes much deeper than that. I have lost the role of protector of my children. We now live in a rented apartment in Kufr Aqab, the northernmost Jerusalem neighborhood bordering on Ramallah. When the Israeli warplanes and Apache helicopters flew low over our home to attack Ramallah, my kids became so scared they couldn?t stand on their legs, and their stomachs hurt. I said to them: "Don?t worry, I am here. I?ll protect you." Do you know what my nine year-old daughter said to me? "You can?t protect us. We saw what the soldiers did to you when they handcuffed you and threw you outside when they demolished our home. You can't protect us." [Tears come to Salim?s eyes.] Such words of a daughter to her father is like putting a knife in my heart.

My kids are now scared all the time. They will not go to the bathroom in the night unless my wife comes and takes them by the hand. Before the demolition their grades in school were excellent. Now they get marks in the 50s, and they have trouble concentrating. My oldest son, Ashraf, had to quit school to help support the family.

And my wife, Arabia. For two months after the demolition she didn?t speak. I sent her to the hospital in Jordan, to be near her family. Until now, four years after the first demolition, she has not returned to herself. She has lost the joy of living, and sometimes I can see she is leaving me; she drifts off and becomes very silent.

Salim, however, has decided not to give in to the Occupation, and Arabia supports him in this. They realize that their home is especially significant, because it helped make Israel?s demolition policy into an international issue. In fact, during the last demolition, the Civil Administration official on the site told us outright that Salim and Arabia?s home had been targeted because of its symbolic importance. So the day after the demolition the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD), together with the Palestinian Land Defense Committee and LAW, again began clearing activities to prepare the site for yet another rebuilding.

In July 2002 Israeli and Palestinian voluteers began rebuilding the Shawamreh house for the fourth time through the Campaign for Rebuilding Palestinian Homes, and hope to have it ready to move into within two months.

Wednesday, June 11, 2003


The pain of Palestine is my pain.

Told to watch a movie to learn

What I stay up all night studying.

(Caution: graphic links.)

She seemed unable to say the word, Palestine. I asked her what
makes 800,000 people flee from their homes without any of

their belongings?
No family photo albums,

no bed,
no diapers, nothing in hand to care for the children.

I laugh and cry to think someone would think an old movie
with Paul Newman
would provide more education and insight than in depth study
of sites like ISM
EI and

Rachael Corrie, Brian Avery, Tom Hurndall and way too many children, all taught me much more than Hollywood ever could.

I was so angry, I forgot to talk about the horrid Apartheid wall. I should have asked her, "what about

Would a movie teach me more than people that are there?

a respected author and activist is staying In Palestine. Why is she there?
Could it be she knows something the film lover does not?

Could there just maybe be something wrong with giving 10 BILLION PLUS a year American tax dollars to Israel to oppress and occupy.

If Ms. video comes to look at this site, will she be brave enough to click on these links?

The facts I have learned and the too much blood I have seen has scarred me forever.

Also taught me quite a bit more than some corporate censored propaganda trash.

It is the innocent
that are dying. The mothers
and family's
that are paying
too high a price.

A world
gone mad
that blows up it's wealth and poisons millions of humans and other animals

creating nuclear bombs.
A world where the only way to get homicidal America to not bomb you is to bristle up like a porcupine.

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